Brazilian Paratroopers on Exercise.

What Crime?

At a time when FARC narcoguerilla fighters invade our schools to teach their genocidal doctrine to Brazilian children, at a time when an organization involved in doing propaganda for guerrillas tries out its power of strategic action, blocking almost every road in the country simultaneously—at a time like this, journalists and public prosecutors gather together in an operation designed to criminalize and abort the investigations that the Army carries out about the illegal activities of the Landless Movement and left-wing NGOs.

If this is not an act of revolutionary disinformation, in the best KGB style, then at least this is a substantial support that is offered, with prodigious unconsciousness and levity, to Fidel Castro’s plan of “reconquering in Latin America what was lost in Eastern Europe.”

The “cultural revolution,” without encountering the the slightest resistance, has easily duped public opinion (after having numbed it for 40 years). So much so that the public now seem to take the allegations against the investigation at face value, without even wondering whether the crime under investigation is not a million times more serious than mere words, however offensive, found in an investigator’s report.

In protesting against the use of the term “adverse force,” Flávio Bierrenbach, a Justice of the Superior Military Court and a man who owed his political career to leftist support, shows that he does not find that propaganda in favor of guerrillas or preparation for guerrilla warfare are adverse to democratic rule.

If the Army consents to “give explanations,” instead of accusing those who tie the hands of the legal forces to give leeway to Communist aggression, then, a new legal order will be introduced in this country overnight, as if by magic; an order in which the preaching of guerrillas will be done under the protection of the state, and to oppose it will be a crime. We fall asleep in the arms of a decaying democracy; we will awaken in the claws of a nascent Communist dictatorship.

A question that I ask myself is whether the newspaper that, in partnership with the public prosecutors, has created this Kafkaesque situation is not aware that, in doing so, it has gone far beyond mere journalistic defamation of the Armed Forces and become an instrument of the revolutionary mutation of the regime. I ask myself this question and I answer it myself: the newspaper cannot be unaware of what it does because, in its issue of July 7, 1993, it reported, in alarming tones, the infiltration of leftist agents in the Federal Police and the Ministry of Justice. What excuse does this newspaper now have for not knowing that it became itself an accomplice of those same people in the doing of what it feared they would do?

Instead of stopping its investigations, intimidated by the media, the Army must carry them further. It must investigate who are these prosecutors who, in a police investigation conducted under a “judicial secrecy” order, invite reporters to violate the order. What connection do these people have with The Brazilian Central Workers’ Union, the Workers’ Party, the Landless Movement ? Did the Landless Movement’s own spy service not cooperate in the operation? Or is it lawful for the Landless Movement to spy on the Army, but not the Army on the Landless Movement? And are those reporters not collaborators, militants, or “fellow travelers” of those same organizations accused in the Army’s report? In short: under the guise of a mere journalistic scandal, is what we are seeing now not a deathblow to neutralize in advance any possibility of national anti-Communist resistance?

Or is it forbidden to ask these questions? Does the simple fact of raising them make me an “adverse force”? Are we already in the new Brazil announced by Fidel Castro in which to oppose Communist action will be a crime?

Two promising reactions suggest that the answer is no. The courageous pronouncement by an army commander on Soldier’s Day shows that the ground forces are not willing to make themselves complicit in the plot hatched against them. And the judicial decision, which ordered the documents seized in Marabá to be returned to the army, shows that the judiciary does not want to be an instrument of its own destruction either.

But—have no doubt about it—the scandal surrounding the Marabá documents may be just the beginning. After all, it was through the scandal industry that Adolf Hitler put the German Armed Forces on its knees and transferred the control of the intelligence service to his party. And if there is an unmistakable trait that defines the mentality of the revolutionary movements of all stripes, it is their ability to try again.

Olavo de Carvalho is the President of The Inter-American Institute, Distinguished Senior Fellow in Philosophy, Political Science, and the Humanities.

The opinions published here are those of the writer and are not necessarily endorsed by the Institute. This article was originally published in the Brazilian newspaper Jornal da Tarde on August 30, 2001, and translated from the Portuguese by Alessandro Cota.




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